Measuring In Absentia Removal in Immigration Court
青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
The Frailty of Disability Rights
青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Ilan Wurman
学习强国:2 天前 · 学习强国
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Megan R. Murphy
The doctrine that carves out “true threats” from First Amendment protection has been unclear, in its scope and operation, since the exception was first recognized more than half a century ago. This category of unprotected speech was recognized by the Supreme Court in 1961, in a decision that identified “true threats” as distinct from other, protected, potentially threatening speech, but did not articulate a standard which lower courts could apply to distinguish the two. In the fifty years since, the Court has addressed the constitutional bounds of the true threat doctrine only once, clarifying that true threats require some showing of intent.
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Benjamin J. Schwartz
Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution is the source of the President’s recommending function, stating that the President “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient . . . .” Presidents dating back to George Washington have relied on the Recommendations Clause as a positive source of authority to make legislative recommendations to Congress. In an interesting twist, however, recent administrations have also frequently wielded it as a source of negative power to escape statutory requirements to provide information to Congress.
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Heather McAdams
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Camilla A. Hrdy
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Stephen B. Burbank
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青柠加速器vp-青柠加速器-青柠加速器vp加速器-青柠加速器官网
- Michael M. Baylson, Elizabeth Coyne, Martha Guarnieri & Samantha Weiss
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